41 pages 1 hour read

Drew Gilpin Faust

This Republic of Suffering: Death and the American Civil War

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2008

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Chapter 7Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “Accounting”

This chapter begins with two postwar public speeches commemorating the efforts of those who died in the war effort. One of these speeches was full of flowery language; the other reminded the living what they owed the dead. With the war over, the living could finally complete tasks like notifying families and ensuring proper burials. In effect, it gave the living time to catch up with the dead.

Faust introduces famed figure Clara Barton, the Red Cross founder and nurse whose efforts saved many lives. Barton became the public face for the “find the lost soldier” effort on behalf of many despairing families. With her characteristic skill, she set up the Office of Correspondence with the Friends of the Missing Men of the United States Army. Aware that governmental efforts often move slowly, she avoided official channels, conducted her own searches for soldiers, and disseminated the information in herself. The results were a hearty endorsement of her methods. Faust writes, “By the time she finally closed the office in 1868, she reported that it had received and answered 68,182 letters and had secured information about 22,000 missing soldiers” (3375-76).

Working in the same vein was Edmund Whitman, who rose from the ranks of quartermaster to lead the nationwide reburial initiative. Like Barton, Whitman brought a sense of order to a chaotic process.

It was a monumental task, given that graves were difficult to locate. Sometimes, local wild life or construction projects destroyed graves Whitman traveled an estimated thirty thousand miles around the country and found help from many former slaves who buried Union soldiers. One of the results of Whitman’s travels was the establishment of a network of national cemeteries.

Those tasked with recovering bodies from battlefields, hospitals and other places containing large numbers of corpses recognized the expediency with which they had to work. The ongoing conflict thwarted the work of these individuals; when the fighting stopped, the enemies of these efforts were time and weather. Many families never recovered their loved ones’ bodies because not enough of the body remained to properly identify it. In the 21st century, forensic scientists employ methods like examining teeth and clothing for DNA samples; the Civil War occurred long before such things were possible.

Faust also writes about the most notorious Civil War prison: Andersonville. The Confederate prison was open for only fifteen months. In that time, it housed 45,000 Union soldiers, exposing them to brutal conditions that killed 30 percent of them. Prisoners at Andersonville faced rampant disease, contaminated food and water, and insufficient shelter.

In both the North and the South, the solution for what to do with bodies that, for whatever reason, were not to be sent home was to put them in central places, like the national cemetery at Gettysburg. As the months passed after the war, these efforts became more widespread. Faust writes,

The transcendent ideals of citizenship, sacrifice, and national obligation united with highly practical and ever-growing concerns about southern mistreatment of gravesites and bodies [resulted] in what was arguably the most elaborate federal program undertaken in nearly a century of American nationhood (3442-45).

The author also describes the efforts of women to found memorial associations, particularly in the South but also in the North. Women were no longer bystanders struggling to afford black clothing; now, they took the lead in looking after their own loved ones or people they knew. Women were leaders in postwar efforts.

Desecration of gravesites occurred in the North but primarily in the South. Faust writes that “[i]t had proved impossible to overcome a live Union army, but bitter Confederates could still wage war against a dead one” (3528-29). A resurgence of racist violence coincided with the South’s new method of institutionalized White supremacy, the Black Codes. In no way comparable—but nonetheless a race-based decision—the US Army assigned its still-segregated Black troops to do the heavy lifting in regard to burial and reburial efforts.

Meanwhile, the national cemetery network was for Union soldiers only. It was too hard a sell for the U.S. government to fund the systematic reburial of soldiers who died fighting to leave the Union. That task was left to the South to figure out, meaning that no federal funding would be forthcoming. Into the breach stepped Southern organizations funded by private donations. Women ran many of these organizations. In many cities across the country, the survivors gathered on a particular day each year to honor the dead. This precursor to Memorial Day was called Decoration Day, among other names.

Faust writes, “[t]he reburial movement created a constituency of the slain, insistent in both its existence and its silence, men whose very absence from American life made them a presence that could not be ignored” (3940-42).

Chapter 7 Analysis

Faust contends that the living had an obligation to honor those killed in battle. That obligation included providing for proper burials and honoring the sacrifice of the dead. All of the actions described in this chapter—those of famous people like Red Cross founder Clara Barton and those of “ordinary” people, like war widows and low-level government officials like Edmund Whitman—stem from a sense that a debt is owed. The “accounting” in the chapter title is not a literal term but is, rather, a metaphorical use of the word, signifying the living account for the sacrifices of soldiers killed in the Civil War.

Faust repeatedly mentions the sheer size of the issue of burial and reburial in a strategy designed to remind the reader of previous examples of how this war presented new problems on an unprecedented scale. One example was the sputtering start to the reburial effort. The author writes, “Only gradually in the years following southern surrender did a general sense of obligation toward the dead yield firm policy” (3437-38). It took the involvement of famous and otherwise persuasive people, the author argues, to crystallize an ongoing strategy for solving what must have seemed like an insurmountable problem. Readers can only imagine the sadness Edmund Whitman felt at reading all of the letters he received from grieving families hoping for a spark of hope; even more wrenching would have been talking to the families in person, perhaps even giving them the worst possible news.

Whitman’s call for information about soldiers “served as Gabriel’s trumpet,” in that the dead returned to prominence in the minds of many; in the very next sentence, Whitman’s trumpet “summoned another band,” calling the living to right by the dead. Faust ends this paragraph with the line, “The Federal government had provided Gabriel with his horn” (3482-89). The Archangel Gabriel was the messenger of God; in one of the Old Testament descriptions of his appearances, Gabriel says that he was sent from heaven in answer to a prayer.

The end of the war did not mean the end of racism, and Faust lists examples that occurred in both the North and the South. Particularly in the South, racist violence and discrimination continued to occur. The author invokes the Black Codes, which were “designed to reestablish slavery in all but name” (3525), and extends an examination of cruelty, disrespect, and disenfranchisement of the living by linking it to a desecration of graves. This happened in the North, of course, as the author reminds the reader, but it was much more prevalent in the South. Such horrific behavior is presented here as one more example of how White southerners struggled mightily against their new reality; their way of life was in disarray, and their cause lost. Without slavery, many White southerners established new ways to assert their White supremacy, including the Ku Klux Klan terrorist organization.

Whitman serves as the focal point for what was, Faust asserts, a growing national understanding that the living had a sense of obligation to do right by the dead, whether that meant maintaining proper graves within the boundaries of a national cemetery or by locating the bodies of missing soldiers and giving them a proper burial. As Whitman travels the country, he brings his sense of obligation in regard to the dead to much of the rest of the country, particularly the holders of the federal purse strings. By the end of the chapter—which stretches into 1866, the year following the end of the war—Faust returns to the theme of obligation in properly honoring the dead, with many more Americans onboard than before for the war.

Red Cross founder Clara Barton insisted that the government put its weight behind efforts to put names on headstones. To do that, the government had to employ a lot of money and manpower. By providing a body with a name, the living could put to rest their uncertainties and concentrate on mourning. As many people would no doubt assert, knowing that someone is dead, even though that outcome creates an outpouring of grief, is preferable to not knowing. Seen through the lens of the desire for a Christian afterlife, the need for the body, with its identity known, was essential.

Lastly, Faust focuses on the collective cemeteries that housed the graves of thousands of war dead. The book begins with an examination of the Good Death and how a dead soldier’s family would want to give him a proper burial, ideally in a family plot. For various reasons, the gravesites of many dead soldiers were nowhere near their homes but instead near where they lost their lives. The presence of these collective resting places, Faust argues, are a poignant reminder of the sacrifices those soldiers made.